• New Post Alerts By Email

  • Syndication

    RSS
    Atom
  • Tags

  • Archives

Crystal Palace guidebooks and descriptions

Guidebooks to the 1851 Exhibition

Guide-book to the Industrial exhibition, with facts, figures and observations on the manufactures and produce exhibited (Partridge & Oakey, 1851), also on Google books. A general guidebook with particular emphasis on the manfacturing processes and machiery on show, and arranged according to these rather than national stands.

Hunt’s hand-book to the official catalogues: an explanatory guide to the natural productions and manufactures of the Great Exhibition of the industry of all nations, 1851, vol 1 by Robert Hunt (Spicer Brothers, 1851). A somewhat mixed arrangement, as part of it follows the layout of the the building, and the rest is done by categories of goods. Perhaps the most unusual exhibit to come to light so far has been George Merriweather’s Tempest Prognosticator (p.355), a sort of leech-powered barometer.

London In All Its Glory: Or, how to Enjoy London During the Great Exhibition, by Henry Green Clark (1851). Essentially straightforward guidebook to London that aimed to cash in on the Great Exhibition by opening with a couple of pages devoted to it. It is however quite comprehensive, covering not just the average tourist sites but also various different types of institution and even some unexpected landmarks, such as the Rotherhithe-Wapping tunnel (p. 107) – now on the East London Line and much used by your truly as it goes from Crystal Palace. Unfortunately marred by some dodgy scanning.

Tallis’s illustrated London: in commemoration of the Great Exhibition of All Nations in 1851. Forming a complete guide to the British metropolis and its environs. Illustrated by upwards of two hundred steel engravings from original drawings and daguerreotypes, by William Gaspey (1851) has a similar aim, but overall superior execution, with some very interesting-looking descriptive essays about different parts of London, a good place index, and the excellent illustrations one would expect from Tallis’s.

Fireside facts from the Great Exhibition: being an amusing series of object lessons on the food and clothing of all nations in the year 1851 (Houlston & Stoneman, 1851?). The story of the Crystal Palace and the exhibition. The focus on the foodstuffs exhibited seems rather curious, but for those people interested, it is very detailed on the subject.

The Crystal Palace, its architectural history and constructive marvels, Peter Berlyn, Charles Fowler Jr (James Gilbert, 1851). A very detailed book on the design and construction of the palace, with some interesting illustrations and plans.

Dickinsons’ comprehensive pictures of the Great Exhibition of 1851, by Joseph Nash, Louis Haghe, David Roberts (Dickinson Brothers, 1852). A coffee-table retrospective with amazing, vividly coloured and very detailed illustrations that give a very good impression of what an amazing spectacle the Great Exhibition must have been. This is the Russian exhibit:


A warning: if you want to download the book, the file is enormous and the pdf snarls everything up. The jpeg-2000 zip file has all the images on separate pages and is somewhat easier to handle. I’m intending to post a gallery of the pictures and accompanying text soon.

The Crystal Palace in Sydenham

The Crystal palace and park in 1853: what has been done, what will be done. Addressed to intending exhibitors, by The Crystal Palace Company. A pamphlet rather than a guidebook, but it doesn’t really fit into another category.

Guide to the Crystal Palace and Park, by Samuel Phillips, 2nd edn (Crystal Palace Library and Bradbury & Evans, 1854). Also on Google books. The official guide, illustrated by P. H. Delamotte, and covering the building and contents of all the different courts. See also Guide to the Crystal Palace and its Park and Gardens, by Samuel Phillips. A newly arranged and entirely revised edition by F. K. J. Shenton (Crystal Palace Library and Bradbury & Evans, 1858)

Also by the Crystal Palace Company:

The Crystal Palace Penny Guide (1863)

The ten chief courts of the Sydenham Palace (1854)

And the Company’s guides to the individual courts:

The Pompeian Court in the Crystal Palace, described by George Scharf (1854)

The Nineveh Court in the Crystal Palace, described by Austen Henry Layard (1854). Also on Google books.

The Greek Court erected at the Crystal Palace by Owen Jones, described by George Scharf (1854)

The Mediaeval Court at the Crystal Palace, described by Matthew Digby Wyatt and John Burley Waring (1854)

The Byzantine and Romanesque court in the Crystal Palace, described by M.D. Wyatt and J.B. Waring (1854). Also on Google books.

The Egyptians in the time of the Pharaohs. Being a companion to the Crystal Palace Egyptian collections, by Sir J. Gardner Wilkinson (1857)

The Natural History Department of the Crystal Palace Described. Ethnology by R. G. Latham. Zoology and Botany by Edward Forbes (1854)

The Portrait Gallery of the Crystal Palace, by Samuel Phillips (1854). Also on Google books.

And two others:

Routledge’s guide to the Crystal Palace and Park at Sydenham (1854). Also on Google books.

Crystal Palace. Myers’ Grand Hippodrome. Account of the stables, great course for chariot races, steeple-chases, hurdle races, etc., all other arrangements at the Crystal Palace, with plan. Anecdotes of John Cooper’s feats of lion taming & elephant training, description of elephant swimming and bathing, great equestrian pantomime, little red riding Hood, scenes in the circle, and parades and processions of gorgeous chariot. A curious little pamphlet, but it contains one of the best plans I’ve seen of the palace at Sydenham. There’s no date but the plan gives us clues, as it features both High Level Station (opened on 1 August 1865) and the North Wing, which burnt down on 30 December 1866.

 

Great Exhibition Catalogues

It’s been a while since I’ve posted anything substantial on the Crystal Palace, so I’ve decided to focus a few posts on gathering together resources that are available on line – mainly 19th century stuff from Google books and archive.org for the time being. With this in mind, it makes sense to begin at the beginning, with catalogues from the Great Exhibition in 1851.

The Official Descriptive and Illustrated Catalogue of the Great Exhibition of the Works of Industry of All Nations, 1851, Volume 1 (also on Google books).
This lists the exhibits from the UK, British colonies, and foreign countries. The title notwithstanding, there do not appear to be any illustrations in this volume. From my point of view, the Russian exhibit (pp. 290-95) is particularly interesting. It mainly consists of raw and processed materials, with iron and other ores, malachite, and leather all prominent. This, I assume, is the reason why illustrated catalogues (see below) do not dwell for very long on the Russian exhibit. One thing caught my eye, however, from p. 294: ‘Item 282. A Cossack’s Wife, Orenburg, Prod.–Shawl of white goat’s hair’. Orenburg shawls are still going strong, and I still wear the one I bought twenty years ago in Moscow. It’s good to know that amidst all the machinery, sculpture, vases and candelabra, there was also room for such beautiful but essentially quite humble items.

The Official Descriptive and Illustrated Catalogue Volume 2 (also on Google books).
A more descriptive approach, featuring mainly manufactured goods from the UK and the colonies.

The Official Descriptive and Illustrated Catalogue Volume 3.
Featuring the exhibits from foreign countries, again in more descriptive form, and with illustrations, although the scanning leaves something to be desired. The Russian entry can be found pp. 1361-87.

Then it starts to get confusing; the first three volumes claim that the Official Catalogue is in three volumes, but there appears to be a fourth volume. This features colonies and foreign states and appears to have much of the same stuff as volumes 2 and 3, but it ends before it gets to Russia. There’s also a second edition, from July 1851, with more information about visiting the exhibition etc.

Companion to the Official Catalogue. Synopsis of the Contents of the Great Exhibition of 1851, by Robert Hunt, does exactly what it says on the tin. The description of the Russian contribution is on pp. 75-6, and confirms the importance of malachite to the Russian exhibit.

A couple of national catalogues are also available:

Exposition universelle de 1851: Travaux de la Commission française sur l’industrie des nations, tome III (1854)

Catalogue of the Spanish Productions Sent to the Great Exhibition of the Works of Industry of All Nations, 1851

Cover of Tallis's History

Cover of Tallis's History and Description of the Crystal Palace

Then there is Tallis’s history and description of the Crystal Palace, and the Exhibition of the world’s industry in 1851 (published 1852):
Division 1
Division 2
Division 3
Division 4
Division 5
The engravings are superb quality, and generally seem very well scanned, but for some reason they’re presented at the beginning of each volume, while if you open the book on line, it jumps straight to the text.

Two other essential (and beautiful) contemporary resources are:

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

A fascinating book with some fabulous engravings – this one is of a silver cup by Paul Sazikoff of Moscow (p. 266). I was lucky enough to pick up a facsimile copy from Kirkdale bookshop in Sydenham last year and love browsing though it.

The Crystal Palace and its Contents: being an illustrated cyclopaedia of the great exhibition of the industry of all nations, 1851: embellished with upwards of five hundred engravings, with a copious analytical index
Particularly interesting here is the feature on Prince Albert’s Model Houses for Families (p. 81) – these, of course, survive, and can now be found in Kennington Park.

Four short links: photographs of Russia and Eastern Europe

1. Photographs of Old St Petersburg. A great mapping website with a wonderful collection of old photographs. It’s in Russian only, but easy to use even if you don’t speak the language.

2. Henri Cartier-Bresson. Pictures by one of my favourite photographers, mainly taken during his 1954 visit to Moscow.

3. Vintage Photographs of St Petersburg. From 1909, taken by one Murray Howe, and posted on flickr by his great grandson. His Moscow photographs are also available.

4. Abandoned Monuments. Extraordinary photographs by Jan Kempenaers of Tito-era monuments in the former Yugoslavia.

Vera, or The Nihilists

My interest in British views of Russians recently led me to read Oscar Wilde’s first play, Vera, or The Nihilists, apparently inspired by Vera Zasulich’s attempted assassination of the Governor of St Petersburg in 1878. It’s spectacularly bad, and I’m surprised neither that its first productions, in London in 1880 and New York in 1882, bombed, nor that it has seldom been revived since. From the Russian yokels straight out of central casting who appear in the prologue, the lack of authenticity is quite remarkable, and it’s never explained how Vera and Michael, the love-struck friend who follows her to become a nihilist, manage to transform themselves from peasants to people who can move easily in good society. I had to grit my teeth at the confusion of Moscow and Petersburg – I suppose the play had to be set in Moscow, as it was more exotic and unknown, but it also had to be the capital, because the czar and court have to live there – hence characters cross ‘St Isaac’s Place’ to get to the czar’s palace. Unfortunately, rather than coming across as a clever amalgamation of the old and new capitals, it just looks as though Wilde knew bugger all about it.

There are a couple of moments when the play raises above the commonplace, notably when the Czarevitch (Wilde’s spelling) speaks up in defence of the Russian people: ‘Warmed by the same sun, nurtured by the same air, fashioned of flesh and blood like our own, wherein are they different to us, save that they starve while we surfeit, that they toil while we idle, that they sicken while we poison, that they die while we –‘ (act 2), which in its first phrase especially echoes Shylock’s ‘If they prick us, do we not bleed’ speech from the Merchant of Venice, and equates the persecution of the Russian people with that of the Jews. Given that the pogroms against the Jews began in large scale and organized fashion in 1881 after the death of Alexander II (of course, they had occurred before this as well), the reference, in a play about the assassination of the czar, seems prescient. Or perhaps I’m giving Wilde far too much credit, as in the main it just peddles the old ‘good czar/bad advisors’ chestnut, and the ending is incredibly conservative.

Nevertheless, the play is interesting as contemporary portrait of Russian revolutionaries. Regular readers may recall that in my post about the anarchist threat, I suggested that in this period, Russians were perceived primarily not just as conspirators but as double agents – frequently suggesting the most fanciful combinations of double-dealing imaginable. And this is definitely the case in Vera. The revolutionaries are basically noble (although they seem more interested in dressing up and exchanging secret passwords than anything else), but duplicity and changes of allegiances are prominent: first we have the czarevitch being a member of the nihilists, and then when he, betraying his principles, becomes czar following the assassination of his father, the prime minister, no less, joins the nihilists in order to plot against him (apologies for the plot spoilers, but I promise you, you don’t want to read it, and just in case you were thinking of taking a look, I hope the latter utterly daft plot development is enough to put you off).

In comparison with Oscar Wilde’s melodrama, and indeed the hysterical stories in the press I mentioned in my previous post, Conan Doyle’s depiction of ‘nihilists’ in The Adventure of the Golden Pince-Nez, is a model of sobriety. But here too, a similar (if somewhat less convoluted) conception of Russian revolutionaries as both noble and treacherous is apparent. The story is set in 1894 (although written in 1904) and, as one of the protagonists has been served her sentence in Siberia, clearly refers back to Narodnaia volia’s campaign of the late 1870s and early 1880s. The nobility of Anna, her crime notwithstanding, is remarked upon when she finally appears:

She was brown with the dust and draped with the cobwebs which had come from the walls of her hiding-place. Her face, too, was streaked with grime, and at the best she could never have been handsome, for she had the exact physical characteristics which Holmes had divined [‘a remarkably thick nose, with eyes which are set close upon either side of it’, Holmes has deduced, from the shape of the pince-nez – SJY], with, in addition, a long and obstinate chin. What with her natural blindness, and what with the change from dark to light, she stood as one dazed, blinking about her to see where and who we were. And yet, in spite of all these disadvantages, there was a certain nobility in the woman’s bearing, a gallantry in the defiant chin and in the upraised head, which compelled something of respect and admiration.

Her steadfastness, loyalty and self-sacrifice for the revolutionary cause are emphasized in the denouement — even now, she will not fully betray the man who has betrayed her. Meanwhile, we suspect ‘Professor Coram’ is a scoundrel even before his true identity and treachery are revealed.

Both works indicate an uneasy attitude towards Russians, a sense of admiration and understanding of the justice of the revolutionary cause, combined with a fear of Russians’ ruthlessness, which applies as much to the authorities as to their opponents. This duality is then intensified by a strong feeling of uncertainty about who is on which side, as identities are obscured and deception is perceived as the norm. I will be investigating the subject further, in other fictional works and returning to press reports, in future posts.

Translating Shalamov

My translation of Shalamov’s story Resurrection of the Larch has been published in the literary journal Cardinal Points. I’ve also written a short piece on Shalamov for the journal. I don’t intend to repeat what I said there, but I would like to make a couple of additional observations.

Although this is the first translation from Kolyma Tales I’ve had published, I have translated a few others – hopefully some of those will also see the light of day before too long. One of the things that has struck me whenever I’ve been translating is the frequency with which one encounters specialist vocabulary from a variety of different fields, from mining to medicine. The stories never feel weighed down by this language – technical terms are neither over-emphasized, nor included simply for effect – but they are a strong indication of the degree to which the author, as a convict in Kolyma, inhabited the worlds they come from. It reminds us that the Gulag does not involve a single, uniform existence, but is an amalgamation of different worlds.

In Vishera: An Anti-Novel, Shalamov states that ‘the camp even resembles the world. There is nothing in it that wouldn’t exist outside, in freedom, in its social and spiritual structures.’ (Лагерь же – мироподобен. В нем нет ничего, чего не было бы на воле, в его устройстве, социальном и духовном.’ Вишера. Антироман: В лагере нет виноватых). He’s talking here primarily about the way the vicissitudes of Soviet political life are mirrored in the Gulag, but his stories show that the camps are ‘world-like’ in other ways too: in their variety. It’s one of the things that makes his short story form so appropriate for the subject matter. Moving between different worlds, adopting different personae, the stories are narrated by, or focalized through, medical assistants, hospital patients, geologists, lumberjacks, miners, would-be carpenters, impromptu undertakers, botanists, historians, literary critics… The inhabitants of the camps – and the stories – are not only convicts, although this remains a strong part of their minimal identity. A large part of the experience of Kolyma Shalamov depicts was the search for an identity that will enable survival, moral as well as physical, for example by gaining medical training.

I would also suggest that these different identities are crucial to the process of writing about the experience. In the Kolyma section of his Memoirs, there is a strong preoccupation with the question of how to write about the past: ‘In what language to speak to the reader? If you strive for authenticity, for truth, your language will be meagre, impoverished’ (‘На каком языке говорить с читателем? Если стремиться к подлинности, к правде — язык будет беден, скуден,’ Воспоминания. О Колыме: Язык), because in Kolyma, ‘imperceptibly even to his own self, the educated person loses everything “unnecessary” in his language’ (‘незаметно для самого себя интеллигент теряет все «ненужное» в своем языке…’). But the terminology he has internalized through his wanderings around the camps, hospitals, and even the mines that pose the greatest threat to existence, gives him languages in which to describe the experience.

The second point I’d like to make also relates to these different worlds Shalamov depicts, insofar as they represent the ‘everyday’ life of Kolyma. Shalamov’s most brutal stories, as I said in my notes for Cardinal Points, always seem to overshadow the rest, but translating some of his more ‘ordinary’ tales – those not marked by extreme violence and cruelty, or profound moral collapse – alerted me to the presence of two different perspectives at work. In the violent tales that focus on the horror of Kolyma, there is generally a very narrow and specific focus, both temporally – there is no past or future, only that moment of violence in the present that shatters everything else – and spatially – there is nothing beyond the immediate field of vision; the ‘mainland’ (as the rest of the USSR was known) may as well not exist, not to speak of the rest of the world. But in the ‘ordinary’ stories, although they may initially appear to be more limited in scope, because of their emphasis on the everyday, the mundane subject matter in fact creates a connection with the world outside, and with time, that is absent elsewhere. So paradoxically it is through these stories that a wider perspective is introduced, enabling a space for contemplation of the whole to develop. If the most violent stories emphasize the absence, or destruction, of meaning, then the other stories suggest at least the potential for the recovery of meaning. It is perhaps in this context that we should consider the apparent contradiction between Shalamov’s rhetoric, his insistence that ‘the camp is a wholly and entirely negative school of life. No one will take anything useful or necessary from there’ (‘Лагерь – отрицательная школа жизни целиком и полностью. Ничего полезного, нужного никто оттуда не вынесет’, Красный крест), and the more nuanced picture we see in many of the stories, in which humanity and sensitivity are ‘still not destroyed, still not poisoned even by decades of life in Kolyma’ (‘не разрушенной, не отравленной десятилетиями жизни на Колыме’, Воскрешение лиственницы).

My thanks to Robert Chandler for his help, encouragement and advice as I was revising the translation of Resurrection of the Larch.

The Great Exhibition on Google

A lovely Google Doodle today to celebrate the 160th anniversary of the opening of the Great Exhibition in Hyde Park, on 1st May 1851:

The original has a nifty magnification feature, and some nice animations – the fountain works, for example. I assume it will appear in the doodles gallery at some point. It seems particularly apt, as the Crystal Palace  later became a focal point for South London May Day workers’ events, as Neil Transpontine discusses in his excellent pamphlet, May Day in South London: a history (Past Tense, 2011). So happy May Day, and cheers to the good folk at Google for marking the day. Yesterday Crystal Palace FC secured their survival in the Championship as well – which didn’t look at all likely for most of the season – so there’s plenty for us to celebrate round here this weekend.

Thought for the day

Dostoevsky was something of a specialist in disastrous marriages. There are the doomed, poverty-striken, abusive marriages of tubercular women to alcoholic men — not only Marmeladov and Katerina Ivanovna in Crime and Punishment (English translation here), but also Efimov and his wife in Netochka Nezvanova. Some are just abusive and doomed without any help from illness or addiction, as in A Gentle Spirit (English translation here). There are frankly sickening marriages between elderly men and very young girls, as in A Christmas Tree and a Wedding (never let it be said that Dostoevsky was only preoccupied with dubious themes in his later years). On a lighter note (?!), there’s the homoerotic attraction of a widower to his late wife’s former lover in The Eternal Husband, while infidelity receives a distinctly farcical treatment in Another Man’s Wife and a Husband Under the Bed (sometimes given the feeble title The Jealous Husband). Potential marriages often seem even worse than those that have actually taken place. One could say that the plot of The Idiot is almost entirely constructed around prospective unions – Totskii and Aleksandra Epanchina, Nastasia Filippovna and Gania, Gania and Aglaia, Rogozhin and Nastasia Filippovna, Myshkin and Nastasia Filippovna, Myshkin and Aglaia, Aglaia and Evgenii Pavlovich – most of which look pretty awful when you think about them. And Aglaia’s marriage in the epilogue is so comically bad – not just to a fake count, but a Pole and a Catholic to boot – that even if you don’t like her (and I don’t), you wonder quite what she did to deserve what is in Dostoevsky’s eyes a fate worse than death.

Amidst all this less than joyful celebration of the institution of marriage, A Nasty Story deserves special mention, for here all the disasters that may attend the marriage are heaped upon the wedding itself. Ivan Ilych Pralinskii, a newly-promoted acting state councillor, is walking home from a colleague’s housewarming when he stumbles across the wedding feast of one of his minions, Pseldonimov – a registrar, i.e. holding one of the bottom two ranks in the civil service, and therefore the very definition of a ‘poor clerk’, albeit for a new era (the story was written in 1862). Slightly tipsy and full of progressive thoughts about the reforms, his own humanitarian instincts and love for mankind, Pralinskii decides to gatecrash, thinking, ‘Of course, I, as a gentleman, will be on an equal footing with them, and in no way will demand any special treatment… But morally, morally it’s a different matter: they will understand and value… My actions will awaken every noble instinct in them…’

Predictably, it doesn’t quite work out like that. Pseldonimov is horrified but, desperate not to offend his boss in any way, even manages to arrange for champagne to be brought to the unwelcome guest, who for his part completely fails to realize that an employee on 10 rubles a month can in no way afford such luxuries. Pralinskii proceeds to get horribly drunk and makes a scene as his liberal views fall away and he begins to hate the subordinates he has imposed himself upon. Of course, this is not primarily about weddings at all, but about the disconnect between the elite and the people, how the reforms would (or would not) change Russia, and themes of hierarchies, self-esteem and deference (there’s also an interesting theme that may well be worth further exploration of language and literary production, with a contributor to a satirical journal appearing as a minor character and a Gogolian subtext – see Richard Peace on the latter aspect and its connections to the question of Russia’s reforms). But the wedding isn’t just a setting, and Pralinskii’s intervention only emphasizes that the marriage will be a disaster. The bride is more interested in the handsome young officer who kneels before her in the presence of the groom, while her father – a drunk and a miser – is evidently looking forward to tyrannizing poor Pseldonimov, so the whole thing begins to look more and more like a sham. When Pralinskii keels over unconscious, they have no choice other than to put him in the bridal bed – where he has an unfortunate attack of diarrhoea (leading to a surprisingly tender moment, when Pseldonimov’s mother takes care of him). The ‘happy’ couple ends up sleeping on chairs, which collapse, and the bride is taken away by the women of the house.

This is Dostoevsky at his most vicious. I know he’s a writer of extremes, but when I read it I find it hard to believe that he also had a capacity for sentimentality. I wonder whether the story was the product of a particularly low point in his first marriage. Whether that’s true or not, it seems like a good antidote for today.

Source

R. A. Peace, ‘Dostoevskii as Prophet: the case of ‘Skvernyi anekdot’ and ‘Krokodil’, Slavonic and East European Review, 71.2 (1993), 257-65

Top ten beards in Russian literature

I know I said I’d write another post about Mapping Petersburg, but I’m still thinking about that, so in the mean time, another top ten. But this time it is not the works, but the writers themselves, and specifically their facial adornments, that interest me. Beards, as Elif Batuman has affirmed, are hugely important to Russian culture — why else would Peter the Great have banned them? — and to the image of Russia, as this brilliant map shows:

Humoristiche Karte von Europa im Jahre 1914

(Thanks to Peacay for making this available under a creative commons licence; see Satirical Maps of the First World War for some more of the same).

The resurgence of beards in the mid-nineteenth century means I have an abundance of choice, but also gives me the incentive to avoid some of the usual suspects. The rules: they have to be literary figures (so, for instance, Kropotkin is excluded, despite his rather fine specimen), and I have to know something about them — they can’t be writers I’ve just found by googling (although this annoying excludes Nikolai Karazin, who otherwise would have been right up there). Variety and originality of styling are important — this is not just an index of bushiness.

10. Apollon Grigor’ev (1822-1864). I’ve been reading in the last few days about Grigor’ev’s contribution to the Pochvennichestvo movement (native soil conservatism) and his association with Dostoevsky and his brother Mikhail on the journal Time in the early 1860s, but Grigor’ev was also a significant poet and translator. His is not the biggest beard in Russian literary history, but it is a rather decent brush, and is all the more impressive when considered in the context of his extremely disorderly life, which ended prematurely, from alcohol abuse (he was buried in Petersburg’s Mitrofanevskoe cemetery, and it’s crossed my mind that Dostoevsky may in part have based the figure of the drunk Marmeladov on Grigor’ev — no beard is mentioned, but he is buried in the same place).

9. Sergei Aksakov (1791-1859). The Slavophiles generally had surprisingly weedy (and in some cases Western-looking) beards, but Sergei Aksakov, the father of one of the most prominent early Slavophiles, Konstantin, certainly did Russia proud on the facial hair front. The beard-without-moustache look is difficult to pull off — often it merely serves to make a long face seem longer, as in the case of Dobroliubov — but Aksakov does it with style. He was also a far more interesting writer than his sons. For some reason I always assumed that his Family Chronicle (also translated as A Russian Gentleman) would be rather dull, the sort of thing that one was obliged to read for background but would always be a duty rather than a pleasure, so I put it off for as long as possible (a rather bad habit I have). And it was a real mistake, as when I finally got round to it, I discovered what a rich, lively book it is, the best possible description of the life of the Russian nobility and a country estate.

8. Lev Tolstoy (1828-1910). If there’s one area in which even I have to admit that Tolstoy beats Dostoevsky, it’s his beard. Dostoevsky’s was a rather scrawny affair (you will note he hasn’t made it onto this list — just to show I’m not biased — although you may also spot that most of this entry on Tolstoy is actually about Dostoevsky), whereas Tolstoy seems to have maintained a healthy bushiness right to the end. No need to say anything about his works.

 

 

7. Nikolai Strakhov (1828-1896). I don’t think I’d ever seen a picture of Strakhov until the other day, and somehow it was quite unexpected. I suppose I thought he’d look more like the dull old reactionary he was. Anyway, he was an important figure, not only for his collaboration with Dostoevsky and friendship with Tolstoy, and the stupid remarks he made about the former to the latter, but also for his literary criticism and contribution to the philosophy of Pochvennichestvo. And his beard is impressively long and full.

6. Konstantin Balmont (1867-1942). You will have gathered by now that luxuriant beards win out over neatly trimmed jobs, but I felt that one example of the latter should make it onto my list, and Balmont’s was certainly the most stylish. He was also an interesting writer and cultural figure — his translations of Edgar Allan Poe are still renowned, and the musical quality of poetry is apparent in the fact that many of his works were set to music by some of Russia’s most famous composers. I’m not a huge fan of poetry from that period, but I love his 1902 collection Budem kak solntse. Kniga simvolov (Let us be Like the Sun. A Book of Symbols) — one of the few collections of Silver Age poetry I’ve read from beginning to end — as well as some of his more folkloric stuff, especially that with Eastern influences.

5. Dmitry Grigorovich (1822-1900). Another writer who’s been on my mind a good deal lately, mainly because I’ve been re-reading his first published work, The Petersburg Organ-Grinders and thinking about his connections with Dostoevsky — the two were living together in the mid-1840s, and it was Grigorovich who showed the manuscript of Dostoevsky’s first work, Poor Folk, to Nekrasov. Again, although I’ve known of the famous 1856 photo of contributors to Sovremennik (The Contemporary) for a long time, Grigorovich’s presence in the picture never really registered (it’s usually shown as a picture of Tolstoy and Turgenev), and I’ve only very recently seen separate pictures of him. He wins the competition for best side-whiskers hands down.

4. Mikhail Saltykov-Shchedrin (1826-1889). I find Saltykov-Shchedrin a slightly odd figure — the combination of service to the Russian government and biting satire doesn’t really go together, though perhaps it was the former that gave him inspiration to write the latter. His works are a bit hit and miss. The History of a Town seems to me very heavy-handed, but I love The Golovev Family (also translated as A Family of Noblemen) — possibly the zenith of unpleasant, gloomy side of Russian literature, but it still manages to be good fun. In the appearance stakes, he simply does the cadaverous-with-straggly-beard look far better than Dostoevsky.

3. Afansy Fet (1820-1892). From one extreme to another. Fet’s beard exudes good health, although that may be a bit misleading, as by all accounts he didn’t have a particularly happy life, and attempted suicide more than once. And I don’t have a particularly good association with him — having to plough through hundreds of lyric poems by Tiutchev and Fet as an undergraduate was what made me realize that even if I enjoy reading it, I don’t have an ear for Russian poetry, which was a rather depressing experience. But I do still have memories of Fet’s poems of tragic love, so it obviously wasn’t a complete waste of time, and those who know more about these things that I do see Fet as being a crucial influence on Silver Age poetry.

2. Aleksandr Sukhovo-Kobylin (1817-1903). Prior to writing this post, I knew precisely three things about the playwright Sukhovo-Kobylin. His sister, Evgeniia Tur, was rather more famous as a writer than he was. He spent several years on remand in France on the (probably) trumped-up charge of murdering his mistress. And he is mentioned in typically arch fashion by Solzhenitsyn in In the First Circle, when Clara Makarygina is thinking about the university literature course she has abandoned: ‘there had been a quick round-up of a whole load of unknowns like Stepniak-Kravchinsky, Dostoevsky and Sukhovo-Kobylin, the title of whose works there was apparently no need even to learn.’ (vol. 1, ch. 43). I now also know that he had a magnificent, bristly beard.

1. Vladimir Solov’ev (1853-1900). The pictures of Solov’ev that are available online are a bit disappointing. The ones I’ve seen in books give a far better impression of his increasingly wild hair and two-pointed beard, treading the fine line between Old Testament prophet and madman with such aplomb that it’s hard to believe there was anything accidental in his appearance. I know Solov’ev’s philosophical works far better than his poetry, but he was equally important in both fields, and I have discovered that although he was more rigorous than most Russian thinkers, his theoretical works (which can seem hard to penetrate, not least because of their mystical and spiritual elements) are best read as though they are poetry.

Mapping Petersburg

Mapping Petersburg flyerOver the last few months I have been working with John Levin on the pilot for a digital Russian literature project, and last week we launched the website, Mapping Petersburg: Experiments in Literary Cartography. The project aims to explore the role of Petersburg’s topography in shaping the literature for which the city is so famous, creating maps to visualize spatial relationships and dynamics underlying the texts. The pilot focuses on Crime and Punishment (and this was the subject of our paper at BASEES on Saturday), but this is a work in progress, and more maps, relating to different Petersburg texts, will appear in due course, alongside other interactive features to allow exploration of the city’s geography and history.

I think the first Petersburg text I ever read was Gogol’s Nose – it’s certainly the one that first stayed in my mind – but my interest in the literary image of the city really developed through my work on Dostoevsky – hence the decision to use one of the most significant works he added to the genre as the starting point. I’ve also spent a good deal of time on visits to Russia wandering round Petersburg, absorbing its unusual atmosphere and history, and recollecting all the evocations of the city I’ve read, from Pushkin to Bitov. It’s a powerful and fascinating place that demands attention.

The city and its culture have, for that reason, already been the subject of a massive body of critical works, and indeed the Petersburg text itself has a strong self-reflexive tendency that is constantly returning to the question: what constitutes the city and its literature? Vissarion Belinsky’s essays in Nikolai Nekrasov’s seminal 1845 collection The Physiology of Petersburg perhaps initiated this preoccupation, but it has been a central component of Petersburg literature ever since.

Most of the existing critical works on Petersburg, in line with most treatments of literary space per se, address the city in symbolic and thematic terms, while the idea of cultural mapping, as exemplified by Julie Buckler’s Mapping St Petersburg: Imperial Text and Cityshape (Princeton University Press, 2005) is an entirely metaphorical conception of a literature’s inscription onto its landscape. The symbolic dimension is important – the role of the founding myth is crucial to understanding the Petersburg text – but such approaches either ignore space altogether, or generalize it as a semiotic function, without examining the specific spatial dimensions of a text or their relation to the real city. There is, in other words, space for a new approach.

Maps have frequently been used to illustrate texts, but as Franco Moretti contends in Atlas of the European Novel, 1800-1900 (London: Verso, 19998), rather than acting as an end point, maps should be seen as a starting point. In particular, their capacity to visualize the spatial dimensions of a text means they have the potential to be powerful analytic tools. For this reason, we are creating maps not as decorative objects, but as objects of study, in order to interrogate the city and its texts. In addition to producing maps as part of a process of exploration of the relationship between the real and the imagined city, and the representation of the city’s geography in literature, we are addressing broader questions of what it means to map a text, and how it can be mapped. The project is in its infancy, but we are already thinking about future development.

My collaborator, John Levin, is in charge of the technical side of things, and he has worked tirelessly to produce the maps and develop the website. He will be writing about his work on Mapping Petersburg at Anterotesis – in fact his first thoughts are here – and I will use this blog to discuss aspects of the project; my next post will examine the processes I have gone through during the pilot, and address the vexed question of turning literature into data.

BASEES highlights

I was only able to visit a small number of panels at BASEES last weekend, and the ones I chose were a bit of a departure from my usual interests, but there were some very good papers.

I was sorry to miss the first half of Hubert Bergmann’s paper on Russophilia in the German youth movement in the 1920s and 30s (committee duties…), because the bit I did catch was really interesting, especially on the Russian-influenced songbooks and the great illustrations of members of these groups dressed in Russian shirts, soft boots and cossack-style hats. That really struck a chord with one of the other papers on the panel, Djurdja Bartlett talking about ‘Proletarian Post-war Dandies’ (on stiliagi in the Soviet Union and their equivalents in Eastern bloc countries). I’ve heard Djurdja Bartlett speak before and it’s always a pleasure – I never thought I’d be particularly interested in Soviet fashion, but she shows what a fascinating subject it is. I’m very much looking forward to reading her book Fashion East. Her new research is equally rich, and in particular the wonderful illustrations she used to structure her discussion – mainly cartoons – gave a good insight into both the styles and attitudes towards them.

I also went to a really good panel on underground activities in the post-Stalinist era. Robert Hornsby’s paper on clandestine political groups in the Khrushchev-era Soviet Union was interesting not only because it challenged the usual narrative of an initial liberalization followed by a crack-down in the early sixties, but also because he was talking about such tiny numbers – probably a couple of thousand people in all, over a period of 7-8 years – who made no impact whatsoever. There has been a tendency to privilege the literary products of dissidence from that era, so the study of other traces, such as KGB reports, and the groups’ leaflets, is very welcome. I particularly enjoyed Kelly Hignett’s paper on criminal subculture, which focused on Eastern Europe. It addressed with the normalization of petty criminality through the necessity of bribery and participation in the illegal economy, and touched on some of the moral questions that raised. Miriam Dobson’s paper on the Soviet baptist movement emphasized the discourse of legality and the attempts of this group to work within the framework of Soviet law, confirming the regime’s legitimacy in a way that seems at odds with some of the baptists’ beliefs. Some of the activities described, such as the occasion on which 400-600 baptists congregated to present a petition to the central committee, were quite remarkable, and again the paper showed that the reality of the situation was somewhat different to what we usually assume. It also made me realize that I need to think about the image of baptists in Gulag narratives, particularly Shalamov.

I will touch on my own paper in my next post.