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Gratuitous cat picture

…because it’s what the internet’s for.

There is a tenuous Russian connection, as although she’s universally known as Chicken, her real name is in fact Chapaev. When she first came into my life, I was reading Victor Pelevin’s novel Chapaev i Pustota (variously translated as The Clay Machine Gun and Buddha’s Little Finger). It’s far from being his best book (I’d still go for his early short stories, or the 2004 novel Chisla — Numbers — which for some reason hasn’t been translated yet), but Chapaev somehow seemed an appropriately inappropriate name at the time. It lasted less than six months, mainly because nobody else could pronounce it, and despite looking more like a cow, she was renamed Chicken. And yes, she is sitting in the middle of a cheese plant.

Anyway, to continue the slightly random and tenuous nature of this post, Russian literature has produced some really great animal characters. Bulgakov undoubtedly created two of the most memorable — Begemot in Master and Margarita, and Sharikov in Sobach’e serdtse (Heart of a Dog). Clearly, being a cat woman, my vote goes to Begemot, who is truly one of the coolest literary characters of any species. There’s also Platonov’s proletarian bear in Kotlovan (The Foundation Pit). Bulgakov uses the fantastic to give his animals life, but the bear in Kotlovan is just there, as though it’s the most natural thing in the world for a bear to be working in a smithy and rooting out kulaks. It’s a brilliant book, and especially worth reading now Robert Chandler’s new translation is available.

But the best animal character in Russian (well, Ukrainian, in this case, but he writes in Russian) literature, if not in all literature, is surely Misha the penguin in Andrei Kurkov’s Death and the Penguin and Penguin Lost. Simultaneously tragic and comic, Misha’s silences are among the most profound ever written. If you haven’t read these two books, I strongly recommend you get hold of them, put aside a couple of days, and enjoy.

Krupskaya: an apology

I’ve been criticized by my boyfriend for my unsisterly (although true — even he admits it) comment about Nadezhda Krupskaya in a recent post. So, I apologise, and instead will enumerate some of the many valid reasons there are to dislike the woman.

There is, of course, her dreadful hagiography, Reminiscences of Lenin. And the fact that she supported Stalin against the Left Opposition in the 1920s. I can’t even view her work in developing Soviet education and libraries in a good light, because it was so important in consolidating and expanding censorship — she even had a go at banning fairy tales, for God’s sake. But most of all it’s the fact that Krupskaya was the only female Bolshevik with any real power or influence, and she did nothing for women’s rights. Her Preface to Lenin’s The Emancipation of Women is fairly typical in that it manages to be both absurdly self-congratulatory and betray the fact that her interest was in advancing the Bolshevik cause, not in women’s emancipation. Her role in making International Women’s Day a major event in Russia says it all, really, as its main function seems to be to enable men to feel pleased with themselves for giving women a few flowers in return for a lifetime of domestic drudgery.

The other important woman in the Bolshevik party, Alexandra Kollontai, in contrast, spent much of her life fighting for and writing about women’s rights — I’m finding her increasingly interesting — but she was sidelined so quickly in the 1920s that she had no chance of achieving anything concrete. I’m still surprised at the extent to which she’s vilified in Russia even today, just because she dared to suggest that women could behave like men in sexual relationships. So Krupskaya, who never lifted a finger for women, gets a chocolate factory named in her honour, while Kollontai, who truly served the sisterhood, gets called a bitch and a whore. Something’s not quite right there, but it is telling.

The practically non-existent role of women in the Bolshevik party (Kollontai only joined after a great deal of soul-searching) should give pause for thought, particularly because women played a much more significant role in the earlier phase of the Russian revolutionary movement (see Cathy Porter’s Fathers and Daughters: Russian Women in Revolution (Virago, 1976) for an entertaining description of women’s revolutionary activities up to the collapse of The People’s Will following the assassination of Alexander II in 1881), and indeed seem to have been far more numerous among the Socialist Revolutionaries than in the Social Democrats (at least the Bolshevik side) prior to the revolution. So it wasn’t just ubiquitous Russian sexism, but something specific to the Bolsheviks. Strangely, they weren’t in fact the progressive party of all humanity, but a regressive, patriarchal and authoritarian bunch, and (in retrospect, admittedly) that now seems obvious way before the revolution.

Sonia: another thought

William Burnham’s article, ‘The Legal Context and Contributions of Dostoevsky’s Crime and Punishment,’ Michigan Law Review, 100.6 (2002), 1227-1248, suggests another dimension to Sonia’s role as a registered prostitute. Burnham states that while confession and eye-witness testimony were considered the most reliable forms of proof in Russia at the time, ‘the law disqualified several classes of people from serving as witnesses’ (p. 1234), including not only all sorts of criminals, but also, for example, people who were deaf and dumb, and foreigners who were only staying in Russia for a short time. The status of prostitutes under this law seems to be a little uncertain (p. 1237 n.), but it does seem to be clear that even if Sonia was competent to testify, she would not have been considered a reliable witness. This, I think, puts a rather different complexion on Raskolnikov’s decision to confess to her — a decision he seems to make before he has even committed the murders. It’s as though he designs it as a consequence-free act, a means of unburdening his conscience without any legal implications, which makes him look far more calculating than I am accustomed to assuming. Dostoevsky’s narrative makes it very easy for us to sympathize with Raskolnikov, but moments like this make you realize what a disturbing process that is.

Four short links: eat, drink and be merry

Or… Four slightly random Russian-related things that have very little in common other than the fact that they’re somewhat more fun that my usual preoccupations. The first two are my favourite Russian news stories from the last few days — they certainly make a change from the usual fare. My thanks to John for alerting me to more than one of the following.

1) Krupskaya was a sweetie after all! The Guardian’s story about the relaunch of Krupskaya chocolate (the factory was renamed in her honour after her death in 1939) made me reconsider my generally uncharitable attitude to the famously sour-faced old bag, although obviously not for long.

2) Drunk in charge of a theatre: also in the Guardian, the story of the German actors who used real, 80 proof vodka in their production of Venedikt Erofeev’s Moskva-Petushki (Moscow to the End of the Line) and, unsurprisingly, got extremely drunk, is so brilliantly in the spirit(s) of the original that I really wish I’d been there. I was chuckling about it all day (and frankly, given the week I’ve had, that’s quite amazing).

3) For those of us who can get a bit nostalgic for Soviet aesthetics, Soviet Music is the answer. Who can fail to be moved by the tender lyricism of ‘Steel Horses,’ the collective farm workers’ hymn to their new tractors? There are some posters too, including Alcohol, the enemy of production — clearly the German actors hadn’t seen that one.

4) And also related to Soviet nostalgia, David Hlynsky’s photographs of Communist-era shop windows take me right back to those days when you’d go into a Soviet bakery and be confronted by a pile of tins of pineapple and nothing else. A great idea for a photo-documentary project — their like will never be seen again.

Crime and Punishment: Sonia and prostitution

I’ve been thinking a lot about Crime and Punishment recently, partly because I’m teaching it on our MA course on the nineteenth-century Russian novel, partly because of the recent adaptation I saw, and partly because I’m starting to plan a new digital project on the novel (more on that anon).

What has really piqued my interest this time (it’s always something different — this is what I love about Dostoevsky) is the character of Sonia, and in particular her role as a a prostitute. I don’t think it’s contentious to say that she is a problematic character, not least because the denouement of Crime and Punishment stands or falls on whether she is believable (for me this tends to change from reading to reading). However, viewing her primarily in relation to her profession, rather than her faith, as one normally tends to, has given me a different perspective. This is nothing like a fully worked out idea, but it may have possibilities…

I’ve just finished reading Laurie Bernstein’s Sonia’s Daughters: Prostitutes and Their Regulation in Imperial Russia (Berkeley, Los Angeles and London: University of California Press, 1995). The title tells you how important the image of Sonia is in discussions of the topic of prostitution in Russia, which makes it slightly curious that Dostoevsky scholarship has not really given much attention to the question. The book itself is somewhat over-long and repetitious (which Chairman Mao might dig — sorry, private joke — but I don’t), but it is interesting and informative and, I think, has given me a fairly clear view of the situation vis-à-vis prostitution at the time when Crime and Punishment was written and set.

Sonia is, as her father Marmeladov informs Raskolnikov in chapter 2 of the novel, a registered prostitute — she carries the ‘yellow ticket.’ The registration system began in Russia in 1843 as a public health measure, to combat venereal disease, in particular syphilis, which was (and indeed continued to be) at epidemic levels (I speak here as a non-medic so forgive me if my definitions are a bit loose). The picture Laurie Bernstein paints is of a battle between prostitutes and police-medical authorities. While the authorities’ aim was to register as many prostitutes as possible, and were apparently prepared to do so against the women’s will, prostitutes, particularly odinochki (those working alone on the streets, as opposed to those working from brothels) struggled to resist the stigma and restrictions of registration for as long as possible. This can hardly be seen as a surprise, given the horrifying-sounding regime of health examinations prostitutes were subjected to. More to the point, the yellow ticket replaced all other identity documents, which not only created difficulties in practical matters such as obtaining accommodation, but effectively made it impossible for women to take up any other occupation — in other words, if you were working part-time as a prostitute to supplement your income but got caught and were forced to register, it became your full-time career. Bernstein suggests that the average time between ‘defloration’ and registration was several years (pp. 104-5), and that there were huge numbers of clandestine prostitutes (in 1900, perhaps 9 out of 10; pp. 46-7).

This, then, is the background to Sonia’s situation — not just a prostitute, but a registered one, and it seems to me that the fact she carries the yellow ticket must be significant, not least because this is the first thing we discover about her, as Marmeladov mentions it not once but twice in his first reference to Sonia when talking to Raskolnikov:

– Когда единородна дочь моя в первый раз по желтому билету пошла, и я тоже тогда пошел… (ибо дочь моя по желтому билету живет-с…) (Преступление и наказание, часть первая, глава вторая)

‘When my only daughter went on the yellow card for the first time, I went then too… (for my daughter lives by the yellow card, sir…)’ (Crime and Punishment, trans. David McDuff, Penguin, 1991, p. 45)

The story of how she first came to ‘sell herself’ is perfectly clear, but Marmeladov’s subsequent explanation of why she is registered is much less so:

– С тех пор, государь мой, – продолжал он после некоторого молчания, – с тех пор, по одному неблагоприятному случаю и по донесению неблагонамеренных лиц, – чему особенно способствовала Дарья Францевна, за то будто бы, что ей в надлежащем почтении манкировали, – с тех пор дочь моя, Софья Семеновна, желтый билет принуждена была получить, и уже вместе с нами по случаю сему не могла оставаться. (ibid.)

‘Ever since then, my dear sir,’ he continued after a period of silence, ‘ever since then, because of a certain inauspicious happening and the fact that some ill-intentioned persons reported the matter to the authorities — something in which Darya Frantsovna played a leading role, apparently in order to get her own back for not having been treated with due respect — ever since then my daughter, Sofya Semyonovna, has been compelled to take the yellow card, and on that account has been unable to remain with us.’ (p. 50).

So we have ‘a certain inauspicious happening’, ‘ill-intentioned persons’, and a procuress (Frantsovna) hanging round. Assumedly on one of her early ventures out onto the street, she was seen or caught by, or tried to, solicit someone in or connected to the house. Marmeladov’s next sentence seems to imply that Lebeziatnikov, another lodger, is somehow involved. In any case, it appears to be fairly involuntary, and this would tally with the experience of the real prostitutes I’ve been reading about. But having read Sonia’s Daughters, I’m not so sure, because she is so different from the average prostitute: her essential innocence and unshakeable faith mark her out; she doesn’t appear to drink, at a time when alcoholism was rife amongst prostitutes; she is registered very quickly after her first sexual experience; she is not motivated by a desire for a better life (although one might attribute this motive to her step-mother, Katerina Ivanovna). One might simply assume, as indeed Bernstein does (p. 142), that Sonia’s nobility in ‘selling herself’ to save her family is just a novelistic fantasy that bears no relation to real life, but the fact that she is so remarkably incongruous as a prostitute suggests to me that something else is going on (disregarding Nabokov’s stupid dismissal of Dostoevsky as a bad writer, of course!).

Bearing this in mind, it seems to me that although Marmeladov depicts the process of registration as involuntary, his vagueness rather implies the opposite. Bernstein points out that the yellow ticket was tantamount to civil death (p. 274), and I would suggest that Sonia’s yellow ticket is not so much a sign that she has been caught as an indication that having ‘sold herself’, even if only once, she wishes to brand herself (permanently) as a sinner, to condemn herself so that others will condemn her too. Being registered means that she cannot turn back or just use prostitution as a temporary remedy, resuming a ‘normal’ life when life improves — it removes all element of choice from her situation and forces her to continue down this path.

And it seems to me that if we view Sonia as someone who, having being forced into this situation, can see no alternative other than to heap shame upon herself, and put herself in a position from which she cannot return, because she feels she has done something irrevocable, she makes a lot more sense as a character with faith in God than the rather fantastical holy sinner we are accustomed to thinking about. There’s a great deal of masochism there, to be sure, but that fits in much better with her relationship with Raskolnikov than the pathological innocence that is usually attributed to her. Time for a reinterpretation, I think. Except I don’t have time at the moment.

Crime and Punishment in a squat

Last week I went to see a production of Crime and Punishment by the Ashes and Diamonds Theatre Company at the Oubliette squat in Mayfair (their website is currently being upgraded so hopefully there will be something to see there soon).

The production was a bit of a mixed bag, but overall I liked it because it really seemed to highlight both the good and bad aspects of Dostoevsky. The level of stylization and the surreal moments (accompanied by very effective music and sound-effects, at least for the first two-thirds of the performance), alongside some clever bits of updating, worked well. The use of five actors was also pretty well thought out — Sonia also played Lizaveta in the opening scenes, Alena Ivanovna doubled up as Raskolnikov’s mother, and Marmeladov became Sivdrigailov. The latter combination I thought was very suggestive, and overall it really brought out the transformation of the cast during the novel, something that had never really struck me before. Some of the acting was pretty good, Porfiry in particular.

On the downside, some aspects of the adaptation were, inevitably, problematic. An adaptation which has Svidrigailov but not Dunia is always going to end up having to talk rather too much about things that are never going to be seen, but on the other hand, can you leave Svidrigailov out? Svidrigailov himself was rather clown-like, which I’m not sure worked. But the main problem was that it was way too long and really seemed to run out of steam (as did the sounds)– they said it would last an hour and a half, but it was in fact two hours without a break, and it really felt like it.

There were two rooms (Raskolnikov’s room at one end, a desk which used for both the moneylender’s flat and Porfiry’s office at the other), and you had to choose one room to sit in (we chose the latter), and occasionally they closed the doors, so you did get a different perspective depending on which room you chose, but I wished they’d used the device more — the idea of being able to hear what was going on but not see it intrigued me, and it fits in so well with the theme of eavesdropping in the novel that it could have been  developed in quite an interesting way.

In a sense, this was a theme of the evening. There were some interesting ideas, but they never quite followed them through. One of the best moments for me was the scene where Sonia reads the Raising of Lazarus to Raskolnikov — a difficult moment, which can easily become (indeed, may be in its essence) histrionic or mawkish. For this scene, Raskolnikov was sat in the doorway between the two rooms, with Sonia on one side reading, and Svidrigailov on the other side and talking to Raskolnikov about their similarity — a really effective way of dealing with the fact that these two characters are simultaneously ‘real’ people who offer Raskolnikov different paths to follow, and literary devices, emanations of his psyche. Unfortunately, they only kept it up for a minute, and then Svidrigailov disappeared and Sonia finished the reading alone.

It really demonstrated the problem of adapting Dostoevsky’s novels for stage or screen. I don’t think playing it absolutely straight works at all. There are a lot of fantastic/grotesque/gothic elements in the novels, and turning them into costume drama entails ignoring those aspects completely, but they are essential to Dostoevsky’s meaning. So despite a few flaws and the drawn-out ending, credit is due to Ashes and Diamonds for creating such an inventive and thought-provoking production. I hope they find a new venue for their Hologram Rose Theatre soon.

Shalamov’s titles

One tends to spend a lot of time focusing on the first and final sentences of Shalamov’s stories, because the author did attribute particular importance to them. But recently, I’ve also been thinking about his titles. Consisting largely of one or two words, most of them are strikingly commonplace. Some, such as ‘The Parcel’, ‘Rain’, and ‘Berries’ (just to glance at the first dozen stories in Kolyma Tales) give some indication of their content. Frequently, however, the title and the story appear to bear only a tangential relationship to each other, even, perhaps especially, when the whole story turns on the title.

This is certainly the case for one of my favourites, both in terms of story and title: ‘The Snake Charmer’ — a title that can’t help but intrigue, I think. Here the narrator/Shalamov tells the story of Platonov, a convict who worked as a ‘novelist’, telling stories to criminals in return for food and protection at a particularly terrible camp. In the conversation which opens the story, Platonov says that he is going to write the story of that experience and call it ‘The Snake Charmer’, but immediately after this we are told that Platonov died three weeks later, and that the narrator has decided to write the story for him, because he loved him. As the narrator/Shalamov takes over the role of story-teller for Platonov, the image of the ‘snake charmer’ comes to stand for story-telling in general, but the image itself is not repeated in the story. Rather, it is introduced only in order to tell the story, or perhaps the other way round, the story exists purely to establish the image. Either way, an interesting reversal is created, where the frame narrative is not a means of contextualizing the story it contains, but instead becomes the whole point.

Another case in point is ‘The Procurator of Judea’, in which a doctor newly arrived in Magadan breaks down when he has to treat the frozen survivors from the hold of a steamship transport; seventeen years later, the doctor cannot remember the incident. The title of the story only becomes clear in the final paragraph, when we read: ‘Anatole France has a story, “The Procurator of Judea.” In it, seventeen years later Pontius Pilate can’t remember Christ’. The title, and the final line referring to it, again reconfigures the story, so that it is about memory and its loss, rather than the actual events of that transport. This also has the effect of emphasizing the process of dehumanization and marginalization (although the latter seems like far too mild a word) of the convicts. Not only are the physically destroyed, but they are displaced within the story that describes their own fate — we can see all too clearly that they are just an unspecified number of faceless victims, destined for anonymous mass graves.

The title ‘The Procurator of Judea’ is significant in other ways as well, because elsewhere Shalamov also uses titles which suggest the story will have a religious theme, only for that to be belied by the story itself (see ‘The Apostle Paul’ and ‘Evening Prayer’), and he also has a tendency to use similar titles, often with recurring words, which create links between the stories that are very different in terms of content and theme (compare ‘The Procurator of Judea’ to ‘The Green Procurator’), but I shall save discussion of those features for another time.

The problem with Solzhenitsyn

Not entirely in the festive spirit, I’ve been reading Aleksandr Solzhenitsyn’s Invisible Allies (trans. Alexis Klimoff and Michael Nicholson; London: Harvill, 1997) with my usual set of mixed feelings. He’s not the greatest writer the world has ever seen, but he is very readable. Last time I read The Gulag Archipelago in full, I couldn’t put it down. I love The First Circle as well, and find some of his short stories very moving and surprisingly subtle. Unlike some people, I think it was right that he was awarded the Nobel Prize for literature, and not just on the grounds that plenty of other duff writers have won it as well. He was incredibly important in the sixties and seventies, with the sort of moral and political stature that very few writers achieve, and he was very widely known and read — many houses (including my own when I was growing up) where there was no interest in Russian literature or politics nevertheless had copies of Solzhenitsyn’s works on their bookshelves. Although many other people wrote about the Gulag and had books published outside the Soviet Union, Solzhenitsyn was the one who made the real difference, and is the one that everyone remembers.

Invisible Allies is an account of the many people who helped and supported Solzhenitsyn in his literary enterprises prior to his expulsion from the Soviet Union in 1974. The descriptions of these remarkable, courageous, selfless people, the dangers they faced and risks they took, are inspiring and humbling. I particularly enjoyed the portrait of Natalya Stolyarova, not least because of the happy discovery that Shalamov also has a story about her (and her famous mother), ‘The Gold Medal’. Overall, it’s a fascinating insight into what life was like for the intelligentsia at that time, and how people responded to the situation they faced, and it gives a very strong impression that adversity does bring out the best in some people. At the same time, one never ceases to be amazed by Solzhenitsyn’s drive, his extraordinary work-rate and almost superhuman commitment to completing his works.

And yet… he made himself ultimately unreadable by virtue of the sheer volume of work he produced. I enjoyed August 1914 and Lenin in Zurich, but I’ve not even contemplated reading the other ‘knots’ of The Red Wheel that he completed. There’s something maniacal about writing at that sort of length (and I say that as a Dostoevsky lover!), but that’s not really the problem. Neither, strangely, are the dubious, at times repellent, views he espoused — I tend to view such things as an occupational hazard of involvement with Russian literature (again, look at Dostoevsky) — though Solzhenitsyn’s inability to recognize that he is antisemitic, for example, is on occasion quite remarkable. On p. 167 of Invisible Allies, he rejects Lev Kopelev’s charge of antisemitism out of hand, but we have just read (on p. 164): ‘the fact that I did, nevertheless, manage to get inside [the Tauride Palace] during the spring of 1972 — I , a Russian writer entering a Russian historic building in a land ruled by allegedly Russian leaders — was entirely due to the daring and ingenuity of two Russian Jews’. Enough said.

No, the problem isn’t his views as much as his personality, which, when dealing with a writer, ought not to matter — and it doesn’t, for example, with Dostoevsky, because however unpleasant I suspect he may have been as a human being, his narrative voices are so far away from his own character that ‘Dostoevsky the man’ can be disregarded, and this is even the case in his most autobiographical work, Notes from the House of the Dead. The same is not true of Solzhenitsyn, who is overwhelmingly present in everything he writes. Sometimes that works fine — it suits the rhetorical tone of The Gulag Archipelago very well — but elsewhere it becomes very problematic, particularly in his memoirs, where even as he describes the process of writing, it becomes increasingly clear that the man is more important than the texts. His belief in his own role in historical destiny is so overpowering that even the works that will fulfil that destiny seem secondary. His views, and his actions, are paramount: no contradiction is possible, and other people (even when he is supposed to be celebrating them) can only appear in supporting roles. His lack of humility and sense of proportion are on occasion hard to take — as when he calmly reports Chukovsky’s comparison of him with Tolstoy (p. 101) — and there’s an absence of self-reflection which sits uneasily with his readiness to criticize others (although at times this is cause for amusement, as when he accuses Kopelev of verbosity, p. 169). The cause may have been a great one, and Solzhenitsyn may have done more than anyone else to advance it, but when reading his personal reflections on this time, it all begins to look like an extension of his egomania.

It may well be that Solzhenitsyn’s remarkable single-mindedness was necessary in that situation, that it needed someone with his qualities to produce the works he produced and have the impact he undeniably had. So perhaps it was inevitable that we would eventually also be exposed to the other, less productive consequences of that mindset, and that he would ultimately antagonize so many people — readers and acquaintances alike. In their 2008 book The Soul and Barbed Wire: An Introduction to Solzhenitsyn, Klimoff and Ericson try to portray the author as misunderstood, the innocent party in all the disputes in which he became involved, but it just doesn’t wash. No doubt there were aspects of his personality that were simply uncongenial to ‘Western’ sensibilities, and there was also a strong element of the sort of in-fighting that seems quite common in émigré communities. However, it is quite apparent that the very qualities which made him such a thorn in the side of the Soviet regime, and brought the crimes of the Stalin era to world-wide attention, were also responsible for his ambivalent reputation in later years.

I still think his death rated more attention than it received, though. It wasn’t even mentioned on Newsnight…

Four short links: Dostoevsky

1. The Complete Works of Dostoevsky. A really pioneering website; the concordance and Gospel, with Dostoevsky’s textual markers, are a must for any scholar. It’s been around for years, and used to be very slow (in the late nineties when I was working on my PhD, searches were best conducted after midnight — at other times you could click on a word, go and make a cup of tea, smoke a cigarette and the results still wouldn’t have come up), but both the speed and the interface have improved greatly in the new version.

2. The Brothers Karamazov. An excellent study guide to the novel — a lot of these things are a bit feeble. I like the fact that this one has not only reading and discussion questions, but also teaching and writing ideas, and some good research resources.

3. St Petersburg Dostoevsky Museum. I love the museum and the people who work there, and the website’s pretty good too. Lots of stuff on Dostoevsky’s life and works, plus information on the museum’s activities — exhibitions, plays, film showings and so on.

4. Adiart toons. Possibly the strangest Dostoevsky-related website out there — Dostoevsky the football fan, Dostoevsky the busker, Dostoevsky in the yellow submarine, the Dostodzilla… very bizarre, and only for those who have a sense of humour about him. I think it’s inspired, and contains some quite acute comments on his ideas.

Fairytale and reality in Gulag narratives

The fairytale metaphor is a recurring feature a large number of Gulag narratives, both fictional and non-fictional, and it stands out because most of these texts are otherwise determinedly unmetaphoric. Amid the stark language habitually used to narrate the experience of the Gulag, aimed at depicting the harshness of reality, there are recurring images of dragons, ogres, fairytale princes, magic carpets, enchanted castles, the robber nightingale, the sandman, the gingerbread house, the firebird, Puss in Boots, the three little pigs and the big bad wolf, the seven little kids, and Scheherazade and the Arabian Nights. Both Evgeniia Ginzburg and Aleksandr Solzhenitsyn use the image of the dragon’s maw as a metaphor for the repressions of the Stalinist regime—an image which may originate in Evgenii Shvarts’ 1944 play The Dragon. The phrase ‘it was like a fairytale’ is repeated like a mantra in a large number of works, punctuating and emphasizing the appearance of specific fairytale elements in the texts; for example, Olga Iafe-Sinakevich, a Solovki veteran arrested for her connections with the Voskreshenie philosophical-religious group, titled her memoirs Zhili-byli (Once Upon a time) and frequently uses references to fairytales and myths (Shapovalova, 253). The Gulag Archipelago contains numerous references to Russian proverbs, as do many Shalamov stories; in particular, the criminals’ proverb, ‘If you don’t believe it, take it as a fairytale’ appears repeatedly in his stories and in several other narratives. Later Siniavsky-Terts deconstructs the entire theme — as he does with many themes in Gulag narratives — with his analysis of fairytales in Voice from the Chorus.

I want to discuss two main aspects of the fairytale motif as it appears in Gulag narratives: its significance in terms of Soviet everyday life, relating mainly to the sphere of social identity, and its role in relation to the development of the individual.

The appearance of this metaphor in Gulag narratives is largely the result of its appropriation. Stalin’s famous dictum, ‘Fairytale Has Become Reality’ was rapidly seized on and employed in official discourse, appearing regularly in newspaper articles and patriotic songs. Katerina Clark (pp. 138-49) shows how important folk culture became for Soviet society in the 1930s: the collecting and classification of folk tales was advocated by Gorky as part of a project to make literature and art more accessible; this in turn led to the imitation of folk genres which appealed to the masses, such as byliny, resulting in the writing of official neo-byliny about Soviet leaders and heroes. Figures from folk literature, such as bogatyrs, became the models for the symbolic heroes of the age, with Stalin as the greatest bogatyr of them all.

The incongruity of this imagery is intensified by it represented a complete volte-face from the situation in the 1920s, when folklore was attacked and books of fairytales removed from libraries. It is therefore not surprising that from the point of view of survivors writing about their experiences in the Gulag, what Clark calls the ‘crudity of the engrafted folksiness’ (p. 150) makes the whole concept of folk culture as it is used in Stalinist society ripe for dismantling and re-appropriation. The result is that the fairytale metaphor in Gulag narratives becomes the locus of a network of ideas designed to undermine and refute Stalinist discourse, and the view of reality it imposed on its subjects. Nowhere is the cruel absurdity of the claim that ‘Fairytale has become reality’ more keenly felt than among those who have experienced the reality of terror, imprisonment and the Gulag, and the physical, emotional and psychological trauma that such experiences entailed. It became particular pertinent as many articles written in praise of slave labour projects, especially the Belomorkanal, accessed the metaphor – an article on slave construction projects in the camp journal Solovetskie Ostrova was called ‘Fairytale reality’ [Skazochanaia byl] (Gulag Archipelago, II, p. 57) and one in Izvestiia on the opening of the Belomorkanal was titled ‘Not fairytale but reality’ [Ne skazka, a byl]. Fairytales in Gulag narratives thus become a metaphor for the lies of the regime, the falsity of its ideology, and the unreality of the entire situation, which cannot be explained in rational terms – hence, one might suggest, the state’s recourse to the same motif. For similar reasons, critics have also used the metaphor; for example, in describing the interpretation of Stalinism imposed by Khrushchev’s speech to the Twentieth Party Congress, Mikhail Geller states, ‘A bad wizard came, deceived the party and the people, and made everyone serve him. Then the wizard died, and the sun started shining again’ (p. 280). In employing this metaphor, Geller highlights the ease with which the regime exchanged one ‘fairytale’ image for another, as it had previously endorsed the popular myth of the good tsar/bad advisors; from ‘everybody is guilty but Stalin’ to ‘everyone is innocent but Stalin’ in the blink of an eye – a true fairytale transformation!

The appearance of this metaphor in Gulag narratives also exposes the absurdity of its use as a metaphor for Soviet progress – the true content of fairy tales, Gulag narratives suggest, is dragons, magic carpets, gingerbread houses – precisely its unreal, fantastic, irrational elements – not the man-made, the rational, the prosaic. The metaphor designed to inspire analogy becomes in the context of Gulag narratives a means of highlighting dissimilarities and therefore of uncovering reality. It also makes it clear that the Stalinist use of the fairytale metaphor infers its own inherent dishonesty, as rather than referring to reality it simply provides meaningless substitutes for reality.

Evgeniia Ginzburg makes the most sustained use of the fairytale metaphor, and it seems likely that its use more broadly in Gulag narratives derives from her, as her memoirs are reputed to have been the earliest and most widely circulated in samizdat (Cooke, p. 320). She introduces the metaphor to highlight the unreality and grotesque absurdity of life – for example the Judas hole in her cell door becomes the iron teeth of the dragon’s maw (I, p. 175), and later the dragon is transformed into Stalin (II, p. 290). She uses this image to emphasize the unreality of the situation, rather than as a substitute for or evasion of reality. This aspect in particular is underlined when she imagines the ‘Queen of Kolyma’ saying ‘Mirror mirror on the wall’ (II, 252); those outside the camp system, who support the regime and are supported by it, the image tells us, are evading reality and living in a fantasy world, and can only find confirmation of their identity with reference to this fantasy world (Racevskis, p. 102).

Similar usage, ironizing the Soviet system and the Gulag it supports, is evident by Solzhenitsyn in The First Circle and in The Gulag Archipelago. And in Dombrovskii, the fairytale motif appears only towards the end of The Faculty of Useless Things, when Zybin’s interrogation becomes less and less connected with reality or the truth, and he perceives that normal standards of truth have been subverted, and that even his interrogators don’t believe in what they are doing. The images remind us that as in the world of fairytales, normal logic and causation have been suspended (Bettelheim, pp. 62-3), as life becomes increasingly arbitrary, governed by unknown rules which can change at any minute, and where consequences cannot be foreseen.

Other absurd, fantastic and unreal aspects of the system and existence as a victim of the system are also emphasized. Ginzburg likens the situation to a grotesque performance of the Grand Guignol (I, p. 38), and Likhachev states that on Solovki in the early 1930s intellectuals ‘emphasised in every way the absurd, the idiotic, stupid, deceptive, slapstick quality of everything that went on there – the foolishness of the organisation and its orders, the fantastic and dreamlike nature of all the island life (a world of strange dreams, nightmares, devoid of meaning and consistency)’ (p. 99). Even Shalamov mischievously inserts an absurdist Soviet-urban myth in his story ‘Inzhektor’ to make this point.

Soviet critical discourse stressed the fact that folklore is ‘the art of the oppressed classes’ (Propp, p. 5), an art which depicts the tribulations of the weak and powerless against the strong and powerful, and seeks the triumph of the former over the latter (Propp, p. 28; Bloch, p. 168). For this reason it became particularly appropriate for those oppressed by the Soviet system to incorporate the fairytale metaphor. Solzhenitsyn takes up this idea in The Gulag Archipelago, pointing out that the reversals in social hierarchies introduced by Soviet rule, and the incarceration and enslavement of the educated former elite in the Gulag in particular, led to a new form of literature, as ‘Only now could an educated Russian write about an enserfed peasant from within – because he had himself become a serf’ (II, p. 491). Gulag narratives, in effect, became the new folklore.

It is striking how neatly many of Propp’s formulae can be used to refer to the position of convicts and their own recourse to folktale imagery… e.g. ‘inherited folklore comes into conflict with the old [read ‘new’—SJY] social system that created it and denies this system. It does not deny the [old] system directly but rather the images created by it, transforming them into their opposites or giving them a reverse, disparaging, negative coloring. The once sacred is transformed into the hostile, the great into the harmful, evil, or monstrous’ (Propp, p. 11). By using folktale imagery Gulag writers highlight the continuation of oppression and the fact that the existence of a new class of the oppressed belies Soviet rhetoric about freedom, equality and democracy. They show that far from being revolutionary or socialist, Soviet power (which is of course ‘Soviet’ in name only) is in fact inherently conservative and oppressive.

This accessing of folk culture also suggests that the fairytale motif is employed in Gulag narratives as a starting point to attaining a plausible non-Soviet social identity. Recent research into victims of Soviet oppression in Latvia has shown that a renewed interest in folk culture has provided a model for restoring a sense of collective identity (Racevskis, p. 120). In the face of the appropriation and bastardization of folk culture by the state, in order to endow itself with a specious legitimacy and historicity, the re-claiming of folk culture as a source of (cultural) Russianness, becomes significant, particularly as the fairytale metaphor is strikingly absent from Gulag memoirs written by non-Soviet survivors, such as those by Herling and Bardach). For these writers, although in every other respect their experience was similar, the question of Soviet identity was not such a pressing concern. They did not have to contend with the idea that their oppression and isolation was being conducted by their own people in the name of values they themselves generally supported.

Fairytales are also particularly linked with the theme of children in Ginzburg. Her primary concern is the loss of her children, and her inability to protect them. She becomes increasingly involved with children through her work in the baby unit at Elgen, where her awareness grows of the neglect of the emotional and psychological well-being and the moral development of the ‘tiny inmates’; this is a topic which also preoccupies Solzhenitsyn and appears in many other works, for example, Razgon, Terts, and Herling — it is far being a solely female concern. Later as a teacher in Magadan, Ginzburg uses fairytales in her teaching and children’s theatricals, as a way of minimizing the damage done to the next generation of Soviet citizens, to instill in them a set of values, a moral awareness, and a sense of identity not oriented around Soviet concepts, as well as to poke fun at the regime.

The role given to fairytales in the moral and psychological development of children by Ginzburg applies equally to inmates of the Gulag. For the child, the fairytale has an educating function, through its moral polarization and its presentation of human problems – both practical and existential – and solutions to them (Bettelheim, p. 8). In particular, Bettelheim states, ‘Fantasy fills the huge gaps in a child’s understanding which are due to the immaturity of his thinking and his lack of pertinent information’ (p. 61). Likewise, plunged into a terrifying and grotesque world, where normal logic has been overturned and everything is unexplained and inexplicable, the prisoners are depicted as being as naïve and defenceless as children, and equally in need of education and skills to cope with the demands of this new life.

The fact that fairytales are unrealistic, and do not claim to refer to the outside (real) world, also shows that their main concern is not external reality but the inner processes at work within the individual (Bettelheim, p. 25). And this becomes particularly important as Gulag writers break free of domination of the undifferentiated mass, and attempt to focus instead on the individual and his or her inner life. The connection between fairytales and myths and the idea the metaphorical death of the self and rebirth to a higher plane of existence (Bettelheim, p. 35) also reflects the process Gulag writers go through, as they come to a clarified understanding of the Soviet regime.

Finally, fairytales have a reassuringly optimistic tendency, and it is for this reason that they are often mentioned at moments of exhilaration and good fortune, such as when someone performs an act of kindness; any moment of hope or human feeling is as miraculous in this cruel environment as any of the fantastic aspects of fairytales. (In Shalamov’s story ‘A Child’s Drawings’ [Detskie kartinki], the narrator rejects the idea of fairytales precisely because they offer a hope which is no longer relevant to the inhabitants of the Kolyma camps; but as elsewhere in Shalamov, the very presence of the motif, and the optimism it implies, survives its apparent rejection.) Despite the frequent occurrence of terrifying elements in fairytales, good usually triumphs in the end, especially in the ‘emotional security’ offered by the couple coming together at end of the tale, pointing to human relations in general as a source of hope and comfort in life (Bettelheim, pp. 10-11, 37). In Stalinist Russia, where personal feelings and relationships are subordinated to the demands of the State, this new context which celebrates both human relations and inner development presents an alternative reality and a new source of ethics to oppose those imposed by the Stalinist system.

REFERENCES

Bettelheim, Bruno, The Uses of Enchantment: The Meaning and Importance of Fairy Tales (London: Thames & Hudson, 1976)

Ernst Bloch, ‘Better Castles in the Sky at the County Fair and Circus, in Fairy Tales and Colportage’, in Ernst Bloch, The Utopian Function of Art and Literature: Selected Essays, trans. Jack Zipes and Frank Mecklenburg (Cambridge, MA and London: The MIT Press, 1988)

Clark, Katerina, The Soviet Novel: History as Ritual (Bloomington, IN: Indiana University Press, 2000)

Cooke, Olga, ‘Evgeniia Ginzburg,’ in Reference Guide to Russian Literature, ed. Neil Cornwell (London and Chicago: Fitzroy Dearborn, 1998)

Ginzburg, Evgenia, Into the Whirlwind, trans. Paul Stevenson and and Manya Harari (London: Harvill, 1999), and Within the Whirlwind, trans. Ian Bolland (London: Harvill, 1989)

Geller, Mikhail, Kontsentratsionnyi mir i sovetskaia literatura (London: Overseas Publications Exchange, 1974)

Likhachev, Dmitrii Sergeevich, Reflections on the Russian Soul: A Memoir (Budapest: Central European University Press, 2000)

Propp, Vladimir, Theory and History of Folklore, ed. Anatoly Liberman, trans. Ariadna Y. Martin and Richard P. Martin (Manchester: Manchester University Press, 1984)

Racevskis, Karlis, Modernity’s Pretenses: Making Reason Fit Reality from ‘Candide’ to the Gulag (Albany, NY: State University of New York Press, 1998)

Shapovalov, Veronica, ed., Remembering the Darkness: Women in Soviet Prisons (Lanham, MD: Rowman & Littlefield, 2001)

Solzhenitsyn, Aleksandr, The Gulag Archipelago, 1918-56: An Experiment in Literary Investigation (3 vols), trans. Thomas P. Whitney and Harry T. Willetts (London: Collins Harvill, 1974-1978)